Arguably the most important crop on Earth, rice has been cultivated for roughly 10,000 years. It’s a staple food for more than half the global population, with about 90% cultivated and consumed in Asia.

But a new ����ԭ�� study, recently published in , warns that this essential crop is in danger. Due to rising temperatures driven by climate change, projections show that Asia’s major rice-producing regions may soon pass the thermal limits that have remained consistent throughout the crop’s history.

Using satellite maps, agricultural records, archaeological data and climate projections, researchers found that domesticated Asian rice has never thrived where the mean annual temperature exceeds 28 degrees Celsius — 82 degrees Fahrenheit — or where the warm-season maximum temperature exceeds 33 C, or 91 F.��

Climate projections estimate that, by the end of this century, the land area exceeding these temperature limits could expand by 10 to 30 times in Asia’s major rice-producing nations. This would create unparalleled challenges in a region where more than a billion people rely on rice cultivation for their livelihoods. While rice breeding programs offer some hope, the researchers found that even the major rice subspecies won’t thrive in the projected temperatures.

UW News spoke with , an archaeologist, UW associate professor of anthropology and co-author of the study, about the research and what it means for the future.

How did you become interested in this topic?

JDG: A lot of my research focuses on how climatic events have shaped people’s ability to farm or grow crops in environments around the world. One of the places I previously worked was the Tibetan Plateau, and some of my early research documented that there was a cooling event around 4,000 years ago that halted Tibetans’ ability to grow two critical crops, which were . They shifted to wheat and barley after that, and they’ve been growing them ever since.

I became interested in applying the same research to understand how our current unprecedented moment of climate change may impact crop distribution. I work in Asia, particularly China, and I’ve worked on rice for most of my career. Our team found that the same cooling event that affected Tibet had a major impact on rice genetics. In fact, it led to the development of cold-adapted temperate rice, which is the same type of rice that people rely on for subsistence today in Japan, northern China and Korea. It’s the short-grained sticky rice that’s cold tolerant, as opposed to the original form of rice that was a semi-subtropical cultivar.��

We then became interested in the types of challenges rice will face moving forward. We pulled records of everywhere that rice has ever been cultivated in Asia throughout human history — and all the climatic conditions under which it’s been cultivated — and compared that to the types of situations that we’ll face under global warming today.

What did you find as you started looking toward the future?

JDG: Basically, we found that large areas that are major rice producers are going to face rising temperatures that are unprecedented in the history of rice cultivation. Over the course of the past 10,000 years and its domestication, rice has been adapted to cooler conditions and not to warmer conditions. We used a wide variety of forward-looking climate projection models, and all of those models seem to converge on the same point: Large parts of primary rice growing regions around the world are expected to surpass the known temperature limit where these crops can be cultivated.

I use the word unprecedented, and I don’t use it lightly. Another term I could apply to this would be no analog. There is no known situation over the course of rice’s cultivation where rice grew in regions which had such high mean annual temperatures. This crop has simply never experienced this before, so there is no data for how it will react. But we do have thousands of years of data saying that to date, it hasn’t been cultivated in temperatures like these. In fact, there are only two parts of the world today that have mean annual temperatures that are similar to those that we expect will occur in major rice producing regions of the world: the Sahara desert and parts of the Arabian peninsula. There is a reason these areas are largely desert. Most people think about water but temperature is a critical reason, too.��

I can’t underscore enough how writing this study felt. Millions of people live in this region and depend on temperatures as we have known them to continue to live and farm there. This is beyond devastating, and we are beginning to see the impacts of processes like this already.��

What are some recent examples of rising temperatures causing problems with crop cultivation?

JDG: In 2023, of all non-basmati rice. Sona masoori rice, or the type of rice grown across most of low altitude South Asia, had such great losses due massive heat waves that the government stopped all exports. People were panic buying rice that year, even in the U.S.

With climate change, the temperature is not increasing in a completely linear fashion. But the average is increasing over time. As the average increases, there’s a higher probability of these extreme events occurring. It’s already happening in our lifetime, and this study is solid evidence for why addressing climate change should be an absolute top priority for all of us. Over a billion people on the planet are rice cultivators, and that is their primary means of livelihood. For a fourth of the world’s population, rice is a main staple in the diet.

We could have written this paper for so many crops, including wheat, corn and others. What we’re dealing with here is that plant photosynthesis just doesn’t function well above those temperature limits. We’re running into fundamental limits of photosynthetic biochemical process plants, which are temperature limited. There are not that many types of plants that can sustain life under conditions like that, and certainly they are not our major economic plants.��

We live in an era where we have all experienced climate change. In 2026, most of the globe has experienced an extreme heat event. We understand how difficult this is for us as mammals to live through, and yet some of us have the privilege of escaping indoors or even to air conditioning. Plants, on the other hand, cannot move to escape the heat. I’m sure many here in Seattle remember the . The plants in our yard are still recovering from those short few days. That event caused billions of dollars in losses in the agricultural sector in the Pacific Northwest. Some berry and soft fruit farmers experienced nearly 100% crop losses. By midcentury, conditions like this could occur every five to 10 years and could have a huge impact on all plants, including the ones we rely on for food.��

This also critically highlights why we need to expand rather than contract our dietary breadth. Sadly, the opposite of this is happening due to industrial farming practices. Humanity is relying on an increasingly narrow range of species. We are essentially putting all our eggs into one or just a few baskets when we need crop diversity.��

What do climate projections take into account, and what can be done to change the path we’re currently on?

JDG: For this study, we used multiple climate projections based on what different countries’ carbon commitments will be moving forward. What we found is that even for climate scenarios where there is a strong global commitment to sustainability-focused growth, international cooperation, and an eventual transition to net-zero emissions, major rice growing regions are still impacted (SSP 1-2.6 on our maps). These impacts expand dramatically with other climate scenarios which assume less concerted action, and sadly this is consistent with where we are headed today which is probably somewhere between SSP 3- 7.0.

Our actions can change the course of what scenario we might be looking at with these maps. We have the technology to move forward with more climate-friendly solutions and many countries around the world are trying to take the lead while we lag behind. For instance, China, where I work, has made massive investments in public transit and railways. Nearly everybody in China drives an electric vehicle. I did not see a single gas-powered car last time I was there. We could do that here at home, and we’re not. Our politicians are making active choices to halt this type of action and at the same time we have the highest per capita emissions in the world. We could and should do much more. It can feel hopeless, particularly for those of us who live in a country where action from our politicians has been in a decades-long gridlock for meaningful change. But we shouldn’t stop lobbying for change.��

We can also look at what steps we can make in our own lives to lower emissions. It’s worth noting that the vast part of emissions come from the top 1%, and that portion of the population can really drive meaningful personal action. Simple steps for those that have the means and access can be switching to solar if you own a home or taking public transit where you can.Asking honestly, how am I contributing to this and what can I do differently can always help. For me, the single largest part of my personal emissions was flying and I ceased a large part of all my noncritical travel for that reason. Emissions from short-distance flights and private jets contribute hugely to this issue.

No country will be immune to a crisis of this magnitude, and it is an issue that deserves global attention. While the impacts may initially appear distant to readers from the U.S., our interconnected economies mean that we will also be affected through global trade systems and shifting agricultural dynamics. The same environmental and socioeconomic processes influencing rice production in Asia will have comparable implications for crops such as corn in lower-latitude regions of the U.S. and even here in the Pacific Northwest, as we saw with the last heat dome. Addressing these challenges requires recognizing their global scope and engaging proactively with the evidence before us.��

Other co-authors of the study were of the University of Florida and and of New York University.��

The study was funded in part by grants from the Zegar Family Foundation and the NSF Plant Genome Research Program.

For more information, contact d’Alpoim Guedes jguedes@uw.edu.

While soccer is the most popular sport globally, it wasn’t high on the list in Ron Krabill’s home state of Indiana. As a high schooler, Krabill’s soccer team often had to travel an hour and a half to find the nearest school with a team. Krabill still became a lifelong fan.

Now a professor in UW Bothell’s School of Interdisciplinary Arts & Sciences and director of the Global Sport Lab in the UW Jackson School of International Studies, Krabill never imagined soccer would become part of his academic work until he found himself conducting research in South Africa in 2010 when the country hosted the World Cup. He’s been intertwining sport and academics ever since.

With Seattle scheduled to host World Cup games from June 15 to July 6, Krabill is gearing up to co-lead this year’s UW Summer Institute in the Arts & Humanities with , UW teaching professor of communication, and , doctoral student in the UW Jackson School of International Studies. This year’s theme, Seattle’s World Cup: Storytelling Through Community Mapping, will combine community mapping with other methodologies, including photo and video essays and journalistic reporting, to tell stories about Seattle’s experience with the World Cup.��

The mapping technology was developed by , associate professor of Urban Studies at UW Tacoma. Kelley is the director of the Action Mapping Project, which works to engage issues of livability, equity, and voice in marginalized neighborhoods through the use of participatory data collection, spatial data analysis, mapping and data visualization.

UW News talked with Krabill about his plans for participating students, his background in sports scholarship, what he’ll be watching during Seattle’s tournament games and more.

When did your love of soccer and your academic work first intersect and how have you continued that work?

Ron Krabill: I lived and worked in South Africa on and off between 1996 and 2010 doing research on South African media, the late Apartheid Era and the media’s impact on anti-Apartheid politics. And then South Africa hosted the World Cup. I had been to two Women’s World Cups, but never before to a Men’s World Cup and I thought, “I can’t be in South Africa when this happens and not go.” It just felt too big and too important. It was a momentous thing for South Africa as a nation.��

A lot of debates were happening from the time South Africa was awarded the World Cup about whether it was going to be a good thing or a bad thing and what it meant. My academic work was concerned with a state putting a lot of money into feel-good projects when�� it’s struggling to provide basic resources for its people. I around 2010 for Social Text, which is an academic journal that covers a wide range of social and cultural phenomena. The piece talked about the challenge for people who love soccer but also see all the problems with soccer, mega-events, the industry, and so on. In that piece, I also talked about loving South Africa, being deeply connected to South Africa and worrying about what the impact of the World Cup would be.

In 2010, I helped lead a UW study abroad program called My World Cup, which was funded in part by the Simpson Center for the Humanities at the UW, the Seattle Sounders and Cape Town Community Television. We paired our UW students with University of Cape Town film students and media activists from the Media Workers Alliance to put together short segments on the impact of the World Cup locally. We then aired those during the World Cup on Cape Town Community Television.��

After that, the UW León Center in Spain approached me and I proposed a class about the politics of soccer in Spain and beyond that addresses questions of gender, race, nationalism and migration. For this year’s World Cup, I wanted to create an immersive course much like the study abroad program — something that students can really sink their teeth into.

How will your students study the World Cup and Seattle as a host city?

RK: developed the Action Mapping Project, a community mapping tool that we’re excited to use in the World Cup context. This tool will allow us to do both large and geographical analysis alongside more qualitative and traditional arts and humanities methods. We’ll be asking people outside the stadium, at fan zones and at watch parties to reflect on what stories Seattle tells about itself. How do their experiences in Seattle during the Cup — whether they’re from the area, elsewhere in the United States or an international visitor — relate to what they imagine Seattle to be? In other words, does their experience of World Cup Seattle match their expectations?

The first two weeks are going to be very intense. The games are only in town for three weeks and unfortunately, the first of those weeks is the break in between academic terms. So those first weeks, we’ll be introducing students to critical sport studies as a field and what it means to think about sports as a site of power and politics, at the same time as training them in research methods and fieldwork.��

Hopefully we’ll gather a lot of material to work with, and then we’ll have the rest of the summer to figure out what to do with it. The students will be working in collaborative research teams, looking at different angles of what it means for Seattle to host. They’ll work off whatever material they find really compelling.��

It will be tricky, because they’ll have to collect the data before they’ve decided exactly what they’re going to do with it. They won’t have had the theoretical background to really think about the meaning. That means the teaching team is going to have to be a little more direct about what kinds of research gathering we do on our field days. The first two weeks, we’ll have four pretty long field work days with students. We’re expecting to send teams of students out into different parts of the city and the region to see what the World Cup experience is like.

What are you most interested to observe in Seattle during those three weeks?��

RK: When South Africa hosted the World Cup in 2010, the vibe was incredible. It’s not really clear how much Seattle is going to embrace that vibe. Is the whole city going to be all about the World Cup? Because it was definitely like that in Cape Town. The Women’s World Cup in Paris wasn’t like that. You could have easily been in Paris and not had any idea what was going on. I don’t know where Seattle will land. There have also been a lot of stories about the hotel industry downgrading their expectations. The thing about the economic impact is that it’s often named as one big number, but it’s not always very clear where that money’s going and if it’s staying in the city.

People like to say that we should keep politics out of sports. But when we start talking about where the money is going to flow to, who’s going to be able to afford games,�� or the pressures FIFA and the federal government is putting on local organizing committees, it’s not as hard for people to understand. We should be thinking about: What are the implications of this, and what are the actions that people can take to make it as beneficial as possible for the city and for the people who live in the city? How do you mitigate against the potential harms, and how do you take advantage of the potential benefits?

There is also a lot of evidence that the fan base is going to be more domestic and less international than expected from a World Cup, particularly because President Donald Trump’s stance on immigration will discourage a lot of people from traveling. I do think that’s going to impact Seattle more than most places because of our proximity to Canada. I think we would have had a lot of visitors, both from Canada and from other countries, because they could have gone to Vancouver and Seattle to see matches in both countries.

I’m also super interested in what the will look like. The local organizing committee is super committed to having it. The Seattle committee is also taking really seriously their responsibility to think about what it means to have the U.S. play on Juneteenth. That’s an opportunity to educate a worldwide audience about what Juneteenth is and why it’s necessary as a holiday.��

I’m following very closely, too. And not just because they’re coming to Seattle. I’m looking at what it means for modern society that two nations can be at war, and yet there is an expectation that one of them will travel to play in the other’s country in a tournament. The idea that that’s even a conversation says something about how detached we are in the United States from the idea of warfare.��

For more information, contact Krabill at rkrabill@uw.edu or globalsportlab@uw.edu.

The increased public attention on racial injustice after influenced how Black and white employees interacted at work, new ����ԭ�� research suggests.

The study, recently published in , examines how major societal events tied to race and injustice can shape workplace behavior. Researchers specifically investigated how the heightened salience of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement impacted cooperation between Black and white coworkers.

“Organizations are often treated as relatively self-contained systems where formal goals, incentives and task structures determine how employees interact,” said co-author , professor of management in the UW Foster School of Business. “But employees do not leave the outside world at the door. When major societal events occur, people carry those emotions, anxieties and identities with them into the workplace.”

The study examines responses to “mega-threats,” a term used to describe highly-publicized and emotionally-charged events involving violence or injustice against marginalized groups. Such events can threaten people’s sense of identity and alter how they relate to others at work. To investigate these dynamics, researchers used an unexpected but enlightening proxy: the National Basketball Association (NBA).

“The NBA is essentially a collection of mini-organizations,” Gupta said. “Players from different racial backgrounds must cooperate intensively in order to succeed, and importantly, their cooperation can actually be measured.”

Using detailed data from more than 124,000 player-to-player interactions during the 2014 to 2015 NBA season, the researchers tracked how passing rates aligned with the rise of the BLM movement. Passing behavior offered a direct behavioral measure of workplace cooperation.

The findings revealed strikingly different responses among Black and white players. Black players increased cooperation with other Black players — marked by more passes — but did not reduce cooperation with white teammates. The passing behavior of white players showed standard cooperation with other white players, but white players became less likely to cooperate with Black teammates.

The researchers then conducted two experiments in which participants were randomly exposed to either materials describing highly publicized incidents of race-based injustice or unrelated information. Participants were then asked to decide about collaborating with other Black and white participants, showing how heightened awareness of these events shapes cooperation.

For Black participants, attention to BLM increased identification with their racial group and strengthened feelings of solidarity with other Black individuals. This increased their willingness to cooperate with fellow Black coworkers.

White participants, however, experienced a different psychological reaction. Researchers found that many white participants experienced a sense of “moral taint” associated with acts of racial injustice committed by members of their racial group. This shame increased concern that attempts at interracial cooperation might be rejected, misunderstood or viewed skeptically by Black coworkers. As a result, many white participants became more hesitant to initiate cooperation across racial lines.

“They did not necessarily become hostile,” Gupta said. “Rather, many seemed to retreat inward because they feared that their gestures might be unwelcome or misinterpreted.”

The researchers also uncovered an important exception. The tendency of white employees to withdraw from interracial cooperation was significantly weaker when the Black coworker held higher professional status.

In the NBA context, white players remained more willing to cooperate with Black teammates who occupied higher-status positions on the team. This suggests that workplace norms and professional role expectations can partially offset the interpersonal strain created by major societal conflicts.

The study highlights how societal events surrounding race and injustice can shape workplace relationships in subtle but important ways. The researchers argue that organizations need to recognize that employees may react differently to racial injustice depending on whether they identify with the victims or feel implicated by association with the perpetrators.

The study also suggests that organizations hoping to foster productive interracial collaboration during periods of social tension may need to create environments that reduce fears of rejection and encourage open, psychologically safe interaction across group boundaries.

“Both groups may need support, though for very different reasons,” Gupta said. “Organizations cannot assume that societal tensions remain outside the workplace. These events can alter patterns of trust, communication and cooperation in ways that directly affect organizational functioning.”

For more information, contact Gupta at abhinavg@uw.edu.

grew up in the United Kingdom surrounded by soccer. He’s always loved sport, but his academic focus — he’s a ����ԭ�� master’s student in South Asian Studies researching the history of memory in diaspora communities — is far removed from the playing field.

But Josan brought his passion for sport, particularly soccer — known as football to most of the world — with him to the United States. When packing for the move, he even found room in his suitcase for a prized soccer jersey he received as a Christmas present when he was 13. When Josan arrived at the UW, he started searching for ways to engage in sport scholarship.

“My interest comes from how sport creates identity and how much of our cultural connection comes from sport,” Josan said. “That obviously has good parts, but it also means sport becomes very politically loaded. We see both in the wider scale kind of conversations about sports and politics today.”

Josan found a way to nurture his combined interests when he took a course with , professor in UW Bothell’s School of Interdisciplinary Arts & Sciences and director of the in the Jackson School of International Studies. The two developed a relationship, which led Krabill to ask Josan to serve as the managing editor for a new website: .

Whether people are counting the days until the — games will be played in Seattle from June 19 through July 6 — or wondering what all the hype is about, the Global Sport Lab’s syllabus was created as a way for anyone to learn more about the history and politics of the tournament.

“Pavandeep is an incredibly talented, thoughtful guy,” said Krabill, who also served as the editor for the syllabus. “There is no way the project would have happened without him.”

The idea for the syllabus emerged from the creation of similar resources for social movements and newsworthy events. There is a Black Lives Matter syllabus, for example. And during the protests that occurred in Ferguson, Missouri, after Michael Brown was fatally shot by a police officer in 2014, a Georgetown University professor launched the.

“What those syllabi did really well was put current events into larger historical, cultural and political contexts,” Krabill said. “The idea was to do the same thing with the World Cup — imagining someone who is really interested in the politics and controversies around this event and wants to dig deeper and find more analysis.”

World Cup: The Syllabus is divided into seven sections: FIFA; migrations; protest and resistance; arts and culture; human rights; stadiums; and technology. Each page offers analysis written by experts, discussion questions and a suggested reading list.��

The website was curated by an editorial team of six leading experts in global football, including Krabill. Krabill and Josan had multiple, hours-long meetings with the other five academics, many of whom have sat on FIFA panels and produced some of the most widely read resources on global soccer.

“I’ve read a lot of what these experts have produced in the past, and I never thought I’d be chairing meetings with them,” Josan said. “It’s sometimes a bit surreal when you work with people that you’ve read before. It was exciting learning about their insights, not just from what they’ve studied and their research, but also from their lived experiences. That was fascinating to me.”

Krabill wrote the syllabus’ introduction, and , a UW student in visual communication design, designed the site.“There is no right or wrong way to engage with the syllabus, and we want people to engage however they see fit,” Josan said. “If there’s a particular category that speaks most to you, start with that one.”

The website is also structured to help guide readers who don’t have a preference or don’t know where to begin. In these cases, Josan recommends starting with the first section, which focuses broadly on FIFA. From there, the topics narrow down. The syllabus isn’t specific to this summer’s World Cup, either. The hope is for the resource to remain relevant for future events, including for the 2027 Women’s World Cup in Brazil.

“The Women’s World Cup has been gaining a lot of prominence, a lot of popularity,” Josan said. “Attendance numbers are higher than they’ve ever been for women’s sport across the board, and specifically for women’s football. So, we’re hoping this project doesn’t stop when the 2026 final is played. It’s something that will continue to be updated.”

Even people with no interest in soccer can find something in the syllabus worth exploring, Josan said.

“The syllabus is designed to cross the boundary between football and other topics that are of interest to our society,” he said. “I’d encourage anyone to engage with this, especially if you live in an area that’s going to host a World Cup game. There is going to be so much that you’ll learn, and you might be able to connect the dots when you see things play out in our local area.”

For more information, contact Lauren Kirschman at lkirsc@uw.edu.

As the start of the 2026 FIFA World Cup inches closer, ’s schedule keeps getting busier.

“If I’m not teaching, I’m on a call dealing with the World Cup,” Ramasastry said.

Ramasastry, a professor of law at the ����ԭ��, is an expert in the convergence of business and human rights — a field she helped create. She was also an advisor to the United Nations Human Rights Council, the group that established standards to help governments regulate companies while also providing guidelines for�� those companies to navigate global human rights issues.

Her expertise led to work with , which launched a stronger commitment to human rights after the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. included its reliance on migrant workers to build stadiums, women’s rights and LGBTQ+ rights. As a large global sporting body bigger than most multinational corporations, FIFA accepted that, like those companies, it has corresponding human rights commitments.

In the wake of that tournament, Ramasastry was asked to join FIFA’s human rights subcommittee as its independent human rights advisor. The committee commissioned on Qatar, which found that many migrants were uncompensated for their work, and others died or suffered injuries.��

As a result, the 2026 World Cup marks the first time each host bid had to include a human rights component, including the United Bid submitted by the United States, Canada and Mexico.��

Once that bid was accepted, cities also had to vie to host matches. Ramasastry drafted the human rights action plan for Seattle. Because of her global and local expertise, she’s also chairing the human rights expert advisory group for FIFA 2026, headquartered in Miami. She worked on the 2026 World Cup’s human rights framework, which served as a baseline for cities to create their plans.

UW News caught up with Ramasastry to talk about the World Cup and human rights, Seattle’s action plan and more.

What is a human rights action plan and what potential issues do they address?

Anita Ramasastry: For every city that’s going to host the tournament, in every country, there are going to be human rights impacts. How do you identify harms and risks to unhoused people that are connected to the tournament? How do you ensure that people have the right to assemble and protest? Are workers being fairly paid?��

There are all kinds of issues that arise that are connected to these sporting events. In different countries, there are different issues. Qatar had issues with migrant labor. In Russia, it was LGBTQ+ rights and discrimination. The controversy around Qatar happened after the bid was already awarded. The world tuned into what was happening there and started thinking about human rights.��

The point of having a human rights action plan is that you anticipate the harms that arise from the tournament and you try to mitigate them. It’s been a bumpy ride because the issues we’re now dealing with are not the issues we originally thought we were going to be dealing with. Immigration issues are very different now. The issue of protests and counterprotests weren’t necessarily top of the list before, but they are now very much an issue for cities.��

FIFA and the host cities also have a commitment to what we call “access to remedy.” If someone is harmed, there should be a way for them to be provided with relief and remediation. FIFA is going to have a grievance portal where people will be able to raise an issue and then FIFA is going to screen it.��

This is the largest and most decentralized World Cup ever. FIFA says its role is to protect human rights in the stadium and to protect the human rights of athletes and workers in the stadium. It’s the cities’ job to deal with fan festivals or other events happening outside the FIFA zone. This has been a challenge because the cities don’t get extra money to deal with this. My job is to say we want to protect people — the fans, the workers, the communities — that may get impacted.

What issues are most pressing for Seattle and how did you identify them?

AR: For the Seattle bid, I consulted local stakeholders and they identified what they saw as the top salient risks. The main topics were human trafficking, issues related to unhoused populations, the right to protest, workers’ rights and discrimination against certain communities.��

Now one of the biggest issues — and it’s challenging to address — is the rights of immigrant communities. We at the UW hosted a roundtable on safeguarding immigrant communities. We’re also working on a peaceful assembly toolkit about the rights of protestors — how they can ensure they’re doing things peacefully and lawfully.

Part of the idea is that the practices and protocols that are created for Seattle now can be used in the future. I’d love for Seattle to have good ways of dealing with things. When the MLB All-Star Game came to Seattle in 2023, there were . Those are exactly the issues we don’t want to have happen. If there’s a protest, we don’t want people to be harmed. We want to allow dissent in a proper way. It’s really about the legacy of: Are there mechanisms in place to address issues or, if there is harm, to resolve complaints in a way that helps people?

Can you elaborate on past issues that led to this being the first World Cup to require human rights to be part of the bidding process?

AR: I think it’s a combination of several things. One is that there were the human rights standards that arose out of the United Nations. , a former Harvard professor, helped draft those. And he had such authority that he was then able to go to FIFA and advise on embedding human rights into its operations. FIFA was amenable to changing its governance standards, not only because it was called out because of questions about Qatar, but because it had been implicated. There were and a whole investigation by the Department of Justice. And so with FIFA being ensnared in the bribery and corruption charges, it was open to these other reforms. It was kind of a confluence of events.

At the same time, there was similar pressure on the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to do the same thing, so now the IOC also has its own commitment to human rights. It does work with host governments and they have ways in which human rights plans are mobilized. With the expertise we’ve developed at the UW, I’m going to keep moving forward with our students. The Women’s World Cup may be coming to the U.S. in 2031 and the Olympics are in Los Angeles in 2028. Those are other opportunities to ensure safe events.

Speaking of your students, how do they engage with this work?

AR: I just taught a seminar this winter on human rights and the World Cup, so they were able to trace the journey from Qatar all the way to Seattle and beyond. We had people speaking about the World Cup, the LA Olympics and what it means to think about the World Cup going to Saudi Arabia in 2034, which is its own kind of interesting issue. Every week, students were able to meet with insiders — either in-person or virtually. The human rights officer from FIFA Zurich talked to them, as did the leader of the Dignity 2026 Coalition, which is a network of labor and human rights organizations uniting to protect groups who are at risk of adverse effects from the World Cup. Other speakers included former Olympic soccer gold medalist , who is the CEO of the Centre for Sport and Human Rights who worked on the United Bid, and , who graduated from the UW School of Law. She is the COO of the Seattle Reign and chaired the bid committee for Seattle. She now serves on the board of the Seattle 2026 Local Organizing Committee.

Students who want to do applied work helped write the Seattle bid. They were in the room for the roundtables we convened on immigration and peaceful protest, taking notes and writing summaries. My students have met with people who have dedicated their careers to human rights. For many of us, it’s about the people, right? No matter how much money is made, at the end of the day it should be made in a harm-free manner.

For more information, contact Lauren Kirschman at lkirsc@uw.edu.

Hear more from Anita Ramasastry

Anita Ramasastry will moderate “Workers’ Rights in Seattle during the World Cup,” a discussion with King County councilmember Teresa Mosqueda, on May 4 from 5-6:00 p.m.

The discussion is part of an ongoing speaker series from the UW Global Sport Lab where experts discuss the geopolitical, local and sporting implications of the 2026 FIFA Men’s World Cup in Seattle. These sessions are free and open to all via livestream. Registration is required. Please follow to RSVP.

once believed the focuses of her doctoral and postdoctoral work were completely different.��

She completed her doctorate in Botswana, studying how humans were changing large carnivore behavior. After earning her degree, she researched whale migration at the National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). But while Abrahms was with NOAA, a historic heat wave off the West Coast was associated with an unprecedented rise in whales getting tangled in fishing gear. The event reminded her of studying in Botswana, when an extreme drought led to predators killing more livestock.��

“It struck me as important that you have two really different systems, yet in both cases an extreme climate event led to a change in human-wildlife interactions,” said Abrahms, an associate professor of biology at the ����ԭ��.

Those experiences led Abrahms to study how climate change is affecting human-wildlife interactions and increasing conflict around the world — from polar bear attacks on people to elephant destruction of agricultural areas. Her areas of expertise made her the ideal choice for keynote speaker at the held in Botswana in January.

Abrahms offered a global perspective on how climate change is impacting human-wildlife conflict while also providing specific insight on southern Africa, since she has worked in Botswana since 2011. The roundtable was hosted by the National Assembly of Botswana in partnership with through its program.

“It was really gratifying,” Abrahms said. “As a scientist, we’re often putting papers out and not knowing what reach they will have. You never really know where they’re going to go, if they’re going to go anywhere. To be featured so prominently in this intergovernmental parliamentary workshop was a career highlight.”

The roundtable brought together parliamentarians from Botswana, other African nations, the European Union, and beyond, alongside government officials, civil society leaders, local community representatives, conservation experts and international partners. Attendees focused on identifying solutions to human-wildlife conflicts while ensuring that the interests of citizens, local communities, ecotourism operators and wildlife advocates are reflected in policy.

Abrahms’ speech addressed the global impacts of climate change on human-wildlife coexistence.

She discussed increasing news reports of human-animal conflict, like kangaroos mobbing areas in Australia during droughts, and increased alligator attacks due to hurricanes in South Carolina. Previous research from Abrahms and her team revealed that the warming world is increasing human-wildlife conflicts. Another of her studies found that the overlap between humans and animals will increase substantially across much of the planet in less than 50 years due to human population growth and climate change.��

“These issues are definitely getting more attention and when I gave this talk, it resonated,” Abrhams said. “Afterward, there was a panel featuring different parliament members and every single one of them had their own stories of climate increasing conflict in their countries, whether it was from a hurricane or a drought or a heat wave.”

Despite the wide variety of animal species and climate events — floods and hurricanes in Sri Lanka, droughts in Botswana and more — Abrahms was struck by how frequently climate change exacerbated these problems. She was heartened, though, by how many people from around the world came together to share experiences, success stories and challenges.

Some national-level policy recommendations that came out of the roundtable included predictable compensation and insurance mechanisms for when human-wildlife conflicts occur. Experts also suggested land-use planning that recognizes wildlife corridors as well as human needs. Among the other ideas: Investment in community resilience and climate-smart livelihoods, parliamentary oversight and a wildlife coexistence fund.��

Public outreach is also an important piece, Abrahms said.

“That would help people prepare and hopefully prevent some of these conflicts from occurring,” Abrahms said. “Governmental fiscal planning also could help by anticipating that there will be increased strain on a system and extra money could be put into a fund for use during extreme climate events.”

Abrahms left the roundtable impressed with how much the attendees genuinely cared about the environment, as well as their interest in learning from each other and about her work.

“It was a very grounding experience,” Abrahms said, “and it was nice to be part of a policy-oriented audience. There is a huge amount of money and resources and personnel and expertise aimed at alleviating these problems. In that respect, it was uplifting.”

For more information, contact Abrahms at abrahms@uw.edu.

The U.S. and Israel against Iran on Feb. 28 that targeted military and civilian infrastructure, missile launchers, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and triggered hundreds of retaliatory missiles from Iran.

More than 1,200 civilians so far in the conflict, Iran reports, while nearly 10,000 civilian sites have been hit and 3.2 million Iranians have been displaced. An ongoing military investigation also determined the U.S. is responsible for a deadly strike on an Iranian elementary school, according to a .��

President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have offered for the war with Iran — now entering its third week — including the regime’s nuclear ambitions, its ballistic missile capabilities and its support for groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon. Rubio said that the U.S. abandoned negotiations and bombed Iran because Israel had already attacked and Washington expected Iranian retaliation against U.S. bases.��

Before the strikes, in December 2025, massive anti-government protests erupted in Iran. The protests, driven largely by the economic crisis caused by U.S. imposed sanctions and regime corruption, were the largest since the 1979 revolution. The Iranian government thousands of protestors in response.

, a professor of Persian and Iranian studies at the UW, researches modern Iranian and Afghan histories and modern Persian literature and has been widely quoted in the media since the war began. He spoke with UW News about the U.S.-Israeli strikes, the impact on Iranians and more.

What should people know about how Iranians and the Iranian diaspora feel about the conflict?

Aria Fani: The Iranian diaspora is . A segment of Iranians in the West has advocated for war on Iran, while others have against military intervention. Voices from within Iran appear conflicted as well, reflecting the precarity and desperation of the moment. As we have seen in Iraq, Venezuela and Cuba, the U.S. has relied on a security, economic and political apparatus that creates a state of paranoia for the ruling regime and collectively punishes the population, pushing them to the brink of despair. Equally undeniable is the Iranian regime’s brazen corruption, both moral and economic, and its violent repression of protesters.

When weighing in public opinion, as reflected in the media, we should not forget that the U.S. media to be a reliable partner for the military-industrial complex. The way in which pro-war voices are currently being amplified is a testament to this alignment. I immigrated to the United States when President George W. Bush was running for re-election and remember how the media failed to hold his administration to account. In many ways the media landscape is even worse today, as of major outlets. Yet, unlike the early 2000s, we now also have a number of independent platforms that cover war with greater transparency and skepticism.��

On a personal note, as a teenager living under an Iranian regime that made anti-U.S. rhetoric a cornerstone of its revolutionary ideology, I held an abstract yet largely positive view of the U.S. Moving to the U.S. in 2004 — studying its history and traveling through and living in Latin American countries it has ravaged — profoundly shifted my perspective. Two wrongs do not make a right. The mantle of anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggle has never been on the minds of this Iranian regime, but it is a mantle we cannot afford to put down for a livable planet.��

Iranian youth, much like their counterparts in places such as Hong Kong, Egypt and the United States, confront a militarized state that shows little regard for collective dignity and insatiable appetite for money and power. History teaches us that effecting durable change takes time. If change begins with a supposition of violence, it will undoubtedly end with more of the same. The spectacle of imperial violence is also designed to demoralize a generation of youth all over this beautiful planet who dare to dream of a different system. To them I say: do not despair and work toward positive change at any level you can.

What misconceptions about Iran do you see in Western media?

AF: The military-industrial complex thrives on generating hysteria and fear of racialized others. A familiar example is the claim that the Iranian regime is an ideological actor hellbent on the total destruction of the West. Yet the same regime entered into a nuclear agreement in 2015 with the United States and other world powers that placed its nuclear program under international scrutiny. Unlike the United States and Israel, both of which possess hundreds of nuclear weapons — the U.S. remains the only country that has used them — Iran is a signatory to the , and its nuclear facilities were regularly monitored before the United States withdrew from the agreement in 2018. Like Iraq, Iran is being attacked not because it has nuclear weapons, but because it does not.��

Every time politicians sell the public a new war, the narrative is predictably the same: baseless claims of an imminent threat paired with promises that military objectives will be easily attainable and the suffering minimal. However, Israel and the United States have a documented history of destroying civilian infrastructure; we have seen this clearly in Gaza and Beirut. That it is happening again breaks my heart. Whether one believes the current war is justified or not — and on what grounds — the abuse of power and through which it is conducted should concern everyone. Equally disturbing is the role of religious fundamentalism as evidenced by references to the .��

Let me be clear again: the Iranian regime’s willingness to engage in diplomacy abroad does nothing to absolve it of state violence, which it directs at . The regime poses a deadly threat to its own people and to Iran’s ecology, as evidenced by the brutal suppression of protesters in recent weeks.

How will this conflict impact Iran and its people in ways that are being overlooked?

AF: There are those in my community who accept any collateral damage if it means the Islamic Republic might ultimately collapse. This mindset is profoundly dangerous. For decades, the Iranian regime has invoked the men it lost during the (1980–1988) to justify cracking down on dissent years after the war ended. In effect, the regime has argued that any sacrifice at home is justified if it preserves the revolutionary state. Yet some of its most ardent opponents now accept the same logic in reverse: that widespread bloodshed and ecological destruction are acceptable if it leads to the regime’s downfall.

Even more troubling is that their idea of who counts as part of the “regime” is dangerously broad. It is not difficult to imagine a similarly vengeful purge to the one carried out by the regime’s own founders in 1979, should the regime fall. My mother recounts how her father — the Friday prayer imam in Shiraz — fled Iran after the Islamic Revolution because he was aligned with the Shah. He was never in the Shah’s regime, a fact that mattered little to those who were doing the purging. We cannot break the cycle of violence by doing one last purge.����

Vengeance does not offer a positive agenda for the working class and minoritized Iranians. The greatest victims in war are civilians and the infrastructure on which their lives depend. The more bombs that fall, the further we move from the day when those responsible for atrocities against the Iranian people might be held accountable.

For a big segment of the Iranian diaspora to throw up their hands and say, “bomb them,” is not an act of courage but the greatest abdication of collective responsibility. And to ask the same power that has economically strangled Iran to save it through its bombs is the stuff of Orwellian fiction. Millions of American voters feel deeply disempowered by the ongoing dismantling of democratic institutions here at home. Yet who among them would seriously advocate for their country to be bombarded by a foreign power?��

The world has changed in the wake of the U.S.-Israel war on Iran. One thing seems increasingly clear: the cheerleaders of today’s war will later warn about a “caravan of Muslim refugees” supposedly arriving to invade the nation. This is already happening, as Iranian . While I do not begrudge any of my suffering compatriots celebrating the downfall of a brutal dictator, history suggests that the only actors ultimately left dancing on the global stage will be weapons manufacturers and oil industry executives.��

For more information, contact Lauren Kirschman at lkirsc@uw.edu.

Indigenous people in the United States are at higher risk of fatal police violence in and around American Indian/Alaska Native (AIAN) reservations, according to the first comprehensive national study on the subject from researchers at the ����ԭ�� and Drexel University.

The study, recently published in , used data on the 203 AIAN people killed by police from 2013 through 2024. The researchers found that roughly 73%, or three out of four, AIAN people killed by police violence were on or within 10 miles of a reservation. Only about 40% of AIAN people — 50% when including multiracial AIAN people — live on or near reservations. The disproportionate risk held even after accounting for population density and rurality.

“My prior research has documented how policing on and around reservations functions as a form of sovereignty threat — where Indigenous peoples, their movement and their presence on their own lands are treated by law enforcement as problems to be managed,” said , co-author and associate professor of sociology at the UW. “This is the first study to measure what that looks like at the national level.”

The researchers hope the work will inform policy action to better protect Indigenous communities.

“We know that disinvestment in Indigenous communities living on reservations, along with unique policing models and police harassment on tribal lands, coincide with this disproportionate risk of fatal police violence,” said lead author , an assistant professor in Drexel’s Dornsife School of Public Health “Colonial policies designed to confine, displace and dispossess Indigenous peoples are not just history — they continue to shape who is killed by law enforcement today.”

Federal, state and tribal police were responsible for the majority of deaths on reservations, while municipal and county police were primarily responsible for deaths that occurred more than 10 miles away from reservations. The reasons police gave for stops also differed on and off tribal lands, with police giving no reason for stopping one in five people killed on reservations compared with about one in 10 people killed far from a reservation. The pattern reflects the jurisdictional fragmentation that has identified as central to the sovereignty threat.

“Indigenous communities have been documenting and resisting police violence for generations, from the American Indian Movement’s records of killings in the 1960s to youth-led protests happening right now,” Rocha Beardall said. “Researchers are still catching up. What this paper does is put rigorous population-level data behind what Native peoples have long understood about where this violence is concentrated and the risks it creates for their nations and communities.”

A high concentration of Indigenous people live in the borderlands surrounding a reservation, and frequently cross in and out. The researchers hypothesize that this flow — combined with frequent racial profiling of people traveling to and from reservations — could increase the likelihood of police encounters and account for an increase in deaths near reservations.

“Fatal interactions with law enforcement on reservations are structurally instigated — by entrenched poverty, poorly funded schools and chronically neglected health systems,” Schwartz said. “These inequities are vast and the structures holding them in place must be reimagined. That will likely require a lot of things: Indigenous-led prevention, stronger accountability for police and sustained public health investment.”

The researchers note that commonly proposed police reforms lack consistent evidence for reducing these inequities.��

More research is needed to measure specific drivers of the geographic disparity in deaths, the psychological and physical health impacts of fatal police violence for Indigenous communities, and what impact proposed solutions — such as Indigenous-led healing and wellness responses to crime and poverty — would have on fatal police violence rates.

of Drexel University was also a co-author.��

The study was partially supported by funding from the National Institutes of Health.

For more information, contact Rocha Beardall at tyrb@uw.edu.

This story was adapted from a release by .

Recent books from ����ԭ�� faculty and staff include those from legal studies at UW Tacoma, international studies, political science, history, and Asian languages and literature.��

UW Tacoma assistant professor collaboration with Policing in Chicago Research Group

“” was collaboratively authored by , assistant professor of legal studies at UW Tacoma, and the Policing in Chicago Research Group. They developed the book in dialogue with those on the front lines of struggles against racist policing in Black, Latinx and Arab/Muslim communities.

“Imperial Policing” analyzes the connections between three police “wars” — on crime, terror and immigrants — with a focus on the weaponization of data and the coordination between local and national agencies to suppress communities of color and undermine social movements. Topics include: high-tech, data-based tools of policing; racialized archetypes; the manufacturing of criminals and terrorists; the subversion of sanctuary city protections; and abolitionist responses to policing, such as the Erase the Database campaign.

The book contains analysis and ideas for solutions at a critical political moment, and serves as a rare, vital example of scholars working directly with community organizations to map police networks and intervene in policing practices.

“‘Imperial Policing’ is an important offering that decenters normative modes of knowledge production and the academy itself and instead provides a model for collaborative knowledge production and change work that academics ought to take up and consider,” Ravichandran said. “This book deepens abolitionist analyses of U.S. Empire and broadens abolition as a necessary global coalitional framework.”

Modern Taiwan through an agrarian lens

“” is a recent book by , associate professor of international studies at the UW.

The book recounts the history of modern Taiwan through the lens of agrarian development. Starting in the 1950s, Taiwan sent international development missions to over two dozen nations across the Global South. From the 1950s to 1990s, Taiwan’s GDP per capita grew by 800%. While researching this growth, an article caught Lin’s attention: a report of how Taiwan’s efforts surrounding improved varieties of broccoli rabe would solve hunger, famine and malnutrition.

“How could broccoli rabe make the world a better place?” Lin wrote in a blog post about his book. “Over the next decade, I traced the arc of agricultural development in libraries and archives across the world, from Ithaca, New York to Shanhua, Taiwan. The more I delved into this question, the more I unearthed a time when Taiwan’s contributions to the world weren’t in advanced semiconductors, but rather rice and vegetables.”

In “In the Global Vanguard,” Lin examines how Taiwanese technicians and agricultural scientists introduced new crop varieties, extended new agricultural technologies and extolled the virtues of a Taiwanese approach to development across the Global South.��

Lin argues the missions eventually shaped how the Taiwanese conceived their place in the world. At the same time, the Nationalist party-state of Taiwan co-opted agrarian science to position Taiwan as a modern nation, legitimizing the government’s authoritarian rule by martial law.

Ordinary people and the global legal order

“” examines an important, and often underappreciated, actor in international law.��

Written by , professor of political science at the UW, the book is of interdisciplinary interest due to its combination of constitutional and international law theories and a wide range of quantitative and qualitative data.

When considering who counts in the international legal order, most answers focus on governments, leaders, generals, lawyers or other elites. Wallace integrates insights from law and political behavior to advance the idea of “popular international law,” where ordinary people are considered important legal actors.

“Drawing on a blend of experiments, conventional polling, media coverage and historical cases, this book shows the ways in which national publics can have an impact on core functions of international law,” Wallace said. “Insights from the book offer an account of international legal politics from below — taking seriously the place of ordinary people in international affairs.

Co-authored book began with love of 18th century poetry

“” is a new book co-authored by the UW’s , associate professor of history, and , professor of Asian languages and literature. True to its subtitle, the book emerged from friendly conversations they had about early 18th century poetry in Urdu — a language that was called Rekhtah at the time.

Their interdisciplinary conversations led to the growing conviction that the diverse roots of this important vernacular tradition had become obscured through selective attention to a handful of poets associated with rarified imperial courtly environments. Poetic networks had become erased as poems were taken out of their social contexts and isolated in separate tomes by author.����

“Vali Dakhani and the Early Rekhtah Networks” presents the evidence to reconstruct these lost literary networks of Urdu’s formative past. The book reframes the history of Urdu within the diverse context from which it emerged: lively social gatherings, bazaars, shrines and multiple courts of 18th-century South Asia, highlighting its engagement with diverse regional cultures and communities in South Asia.��

The cover illustration, an 18th-century canvas by Mughal painter Chitarman II, vividly depicts the many literary references to “Lovers and Beloveds” featured in the poetry of this period, inviting the reader to join the authors in sharing its pleasures.

For more information, contact Lauren Kirschman at lkirsc@uw.edu

Before the ����ԭ��’s winter quarter even started, told his “Modern Olympic Games” class one of the questions that would be on the final exam: “What is something that happened in the 2026 Winter Olympics that you can understand better because of something you’ve learned in this course?”

“There is not yet an answer to that question,” said Haddad-Fonda, a part-time lecturer of history at the UW, “but there will be by the end of the quarter.”

As Haddad-Fonda’s students watch this month’s Winter Olympics in Italy, they are also learning in the classroom about the history of the Games. The course covers subjects ranging from ideology and national identity to race and the position of women in society.

UW News talked with Haddad-Fonda to learn more.

What makes sports such an effective window into history?

Kyle Haddad-Fonda: This is a 100-level course, and the majority of students taking it are first-year students aiming to fulfill a general education requirement. I see the course as a kind of sampler platter of 20th-century history. Students may not know coming in that they would be really interested in Native American history or Nazi Germany or some aspect of women’s history — but they’re going to get exposed to a little bit of everything. What ties it all together is Olympic competition. Sports are inherently about race and gender and politics.

In class, I get to tell stories about some truly wild things that have happened in the Olympics. I’ve talked already this quarter about a dehydrated whose trainer refused him water but gave him strychnine mixed with egg white, a dubbed the prettiest girl at the Olympics who was kicked off the team for having the audacity to drink champagne, and a whose coronation as the world’s greatest athlete was upended when a teammate poisoned his orange juice. But after I tell these stories, the next step is to stop and say, “Okay, why does this matter on a deeper level? What can this one athlete’s experience tell us about the world?”

Where did the idea for this course come from?

KHF: I’ve been mulling it over for years, and now seemed like the right time to do it because the Winter Olympics are happening at the same time.

This is the seventh academic year in a row that I’ve taught the history of the Cold War. After a few years of teaching the same course, the content gets pretty well set. I started to realize that the only changes I was making to the lectures was to add short anecdotes about sports. Students responded really well. Including the occasional bit of sports content became a strategy for illustrating complicated ideas in a relatable way.

Last year, I advised a senior thesis by a history major who had previously taken my Cold War course. I had spent maybe 30 seconds in class talking about how the Catholic Church in Italy as part of its broader campaign against communism around the time of the 1948 Italian election. This student was a soccer fan, and she went and did a lot more reading about the role of soccer in postwar Italy. A year later, she came to me and said that just that one comment had helped her to realize that sports were something she could take seriously as an academic topic. She ended up writing her senior thesis about athletes who defected from communist countries during the very short period between the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. This student’s enthusiasm for viewing sports as a window into deeper historical phenomena gave me that final push to decide I was ready to create this course.

What is one of your favorite topics that you cover in the class?

KHF: Just last week, we talked about the 1956 Summer Olympics in Melbourne, after which about a third of the athletes on the Hungarian team . Those Olympics happened in the immediate aftermath of the Hungarian Revolution and the Soviet crackdown. There was a 16-year-old Hungarian swimmer named Zsuzsa Ördög who had to make a decision all by herself about whether she was going to defect to the U.S. or return home to her family. She ended up moving to Mercer Island because she was by the family of a 16-year-old American swimmer, Nancy Ramey, who had won silver in the butterfly.

One of the reasons I mentioned Ördög was to contrast her story with that of Hal Connolly and Olga Fikotová. Connolly was an American who won a gold medal in the hammer throw in 1956; Fikotová was a Czechoslovakian who won gold in the discus in the same Olympics. While they were competing in Melbourne, . Three months after the Olympics, Connolly went to Prague, where he and Fikotová got married. Then they moved to the U.S. The American media was delighted by a love story that transcended the Iron Curtain. In class, I showed my students a clip of the newlyweds appearing on the game show “.”

Before the next Olympics, Fikotová wrote to the Czechslovakian Olympic Committee saying she was ready to represent Czechoslovakia a second time. She got a letter back saying that the committee no longer considered her to be Czechoslovakian. Fortunately, her U.S. citizenship came through about a week before the U.S. Olympic trials, so she showed up — as the reigning Olympic champion — and made the U.S. team. She went on to represent the U.S. at four Olympics and even carried the flag in 1972.

Fikotová’s experience of moving to the U.S. was markedly different from what happened to the Hungarians who defected at the same Olympics. For starters, by the Olympic rules at the time, athletes couldn’t change national allegiance for political reasons. The only way for somebody who had represented one country to compete for another was if a woman changed her nationality by marriage. So while Fikotová could throw the discus for the U.S., Hungarian athletes had no recourse. Ördög went on to set an American record in the breaststroke, but there was no way she could ever swim in the Olympics again. Quite a few of the Hungarians who defected to much fanfare in 1956 subsequently decided to return quietly to Hungary and resume their former lives. Their stories offer a great illustration of the hard choices that faced ordinary people who got caught up in Cold War rivalries.

Do you anticipate any crossover into the course from more recent Olympics, and even the current Olympics?

KHF: While it’s tricky to talk about the ongoing Olympics from a historical framework, I do plan to bring my course all the way into the 21st century. My students will get to evaluate whether host cities have lived up to the promises they have made about using the Olympics as a catalyst for urban transformation. And we’ll talk about the ways that the Olympics have legitimized authoritarian regimes and examine how activists have articulated calls to boycott the games.

All of these are themes that have been building over the entire quarter. I recently talked about William May Garland’s plans to use the 1932 Summer Olympics to build Los Angeles. You have to start there in order to make sense of London’s efforts to rejuvenate the East End or Paris’s campaign to restore the Seine. By the time we talk about calls to boycott the Olympics in 2014 and 2022, we will have already discussed boycott efforts — successful or unsuccessful — in 1936, 1964, 1968, 1972, 1976, 1980, 1984 and 1988.

All this history matters especially much right now because our own country is gearing up to be the next Olympic host. I know my students are going to watch the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles — in fact, one of them has entered the lottery to buy tickets. When they do, I need them to be empowered to look beyond the headlines. I want them to understand that all the controversies that will inevitably swirl around those games spring from 130 years of contentious, messy historical precedent.

For more information, contact Lauren Kirschman at lkirsc@uw.edu.